Context

IQ. In light of diminishing strategic relevance of NATO, it has become an imperative
for the Indo-Pacific to seek new and independent security strategies. Analyse. 10 M
NATO is a collective defence organization formed in 1949. The organization which
was once central to the security strategy of the West against a communist USSR
now faces a diminishing strategic relevance as can be seen from:

1. Loss of a common interests: The hay-days of NATO were energized by common
   interest for all the members as propounded by Lord Ismay to- “Keep America
   in, Russia out, and Germany down”; the same has since been changed. E.g.,
   Germany has emerged as the economic dynamo of Europe and a possible leader.
2. National interest of the countries has weighed more prominently over the idea
   of collective defence. E.g., America’s reluctance/apathy towards carrying
   the financial burden.
3. The idea of NATO has also seen a diminishing effect as unlike the post-world
   war 2 era, now different countries face different level and quantum of threats.
   E.g., while Italy views instability in wider Mediterranean as immediate
   threat, Poland, Germany, France, Britain view Russia as the biggest/imminent
   threat.
4. Strategic incoherence between the USA and the European countries has
   called for internal calibration diminishing the relevance of NATO. E.g., while
   European nations view Russia as a political and military aggressor, the Trump
   administration has repeatedly called for bringing Russia back into G7 making
   it G8.
5. Anomaly in membership (Turkey’s presence): The dichotomy in the national
   interest of the member countries also raises questions about the relevance and
   utility of NATO as a collective defence organization. E.g., The support of the
   USA to PKK is highlighted as an existential threat by Turkiye.
6. The clink in the NATO’s armor is also visible from the tacit reluctance of
   many NATO members to fight the war in Iraq or in Afghanistan.

The diminishing relevance of NATO is also clarion call for the Indo-Pacific to
cultivate new and independent security strategies such as :

Regional Maritime Cooperation-Security strategy in Indo-Pacific should
revolve around the maritime cooperation between the littoral states. E.g.,
Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS); SAGAR strategy of India to
become a net security provider and ‘preferred responder’ in crisis.
In the era of complex interdependence, it is peremptory that the shared interests
should gain preference over bilateral disputes. In this light, it is an imperative for the
littoral countries to ensure a free, open, sustainable, secure, and inclusive Indo-
Pacific.

Inclusive, rather than exclusive, vision for Indo-Pacific to promote
security cooperation. E.g., Indian vision for Indo-Pacific, inclusive of both
Russia and China augurs well for the stability and growth in the region.

Centralizing connectivity and economic growth as a marker for
security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. E.g., India-Myanmar
Thailand trilateral highway creating a new axis of economic activity in
the region.

Prioritizing political dialogue. E.g., revival of Russia India China (RIC)
grouping to promote dialogue and diplomacy for resolving disputes in Indo
Pacific.

Regional groupings to mainstream the conventional as well as the human-
centric security issues. E.g., leveraging Forum for Indo-Pacific Islands
Cooperation (FIPIC) to understand, adapt, and mitigate the challenges in the
region such as climate change, piracy etc.